'Bersih' the dark politics in Malaysia

Har Wai Mun [June 30, 2011]
[Source: http://www.malaysiakini.com/letters/168518]

As the world waits for the final instalment of Harry Potter battling the dark Lord Voldermort, Malaysians have also been battered by dark politics for a long time.

The whole country is cast with the curses of deception, fear and greed. These are so powerful that no one shall speak badly about the BN regime.

Nowadays, many colors are banned, namely orange (as it is claimed to be associated with Hindraf movement), black (Teoh Beng Hock) and Yellow (Bersih). I wonder the next color will be green as PAS gave UMNO a damn "no" to their unholy merger proposal through the Bersih.

Words are not spared either; most sensational are the name of the country associated with the brutal murder by C4-military grade explosion and He-Who-Must-Not-Be-Associated-With-The-Case.

Allow me to draw your attention to the thoughts of Ronald Coase, a Nobel Prize in Economics recipient.

While amazed with the richness and complexity of literatures on how industries are organised, he pointed out the important missing piece - the determinant of the organisation of industry.

What determines what a firm does? To answer that question, Coase highlighted the necessary to understand why a firm exists at all.

Back to the many "banned" rallies like the Reformasi, Makkal Sakhti and Bersih, it is necessary for us to understand why they exist. In Buddhism, or perhaps also in science and other religions, when there is an effect, there is a cause(s).

Banning the demonstration rally without answering "why it exists" will not solve any antagonism of the people but it is a deceptive curse to ensure the dark lord and its cronies remain in power.

In fact, the cause bringing rise to such a rally is that the people no longer can tolerate the excessive manipulation and suppression from the ruling government. The people do not like to demonstrate but unfortunately they have no other alternative.

A thief may not wish to be a thief if he has a good standard of living, unless the curse of greed has corrupted his mind.

The Bersih rally organisers will not be able to gather enough supporters if the ruling government is clean, free and fair. Indeed, it is the BN ruling government that gives birth and supports the rally.

In Malaysia, there are plenty deceptive dark curses that need to be cleaned (di-BERSIH-kan). First and foremost, the government is not equal to BN (which is merely a political coalition).

The government belongs to its people, thus there is no need for BN to defend Putrajaya with their blood. Just have a bersih general election and lets the people to determine the government.

Second, the police, judiciary, Election Commission and MACC work for the country and its people under the separation of powers system, and not for any political party.

I once asked in a Transparency International's forum on how independent these organisations are, when the appointment of their top brass is influenced by the prime minister.

The answer from a high ranked representative from Election Commission sparked laughter from the audiences.

He said: "Our top management is appointed by the Yang Di-Pertuan Agong". He then paused for few seconds and continued: "... on the advice of the prime minister".

Therefore, one will not be surprised that many decisions by the law enforcement bodies are being criticised as biased.

Third - what we see and hear cannot be taken as truth. All mainstream media is controlled either directly through equity ownership or rules and regulations.

Thus, the BN has been so scared of alternative channels from online news to blogs, YouTube and Facebook, which they have minimum control.

The problem is that when lies are told repeatedly through mainstream media to non-information savvy like senior citizens, the lesser educated and rural folk, lies are taken as truth.

Indeed, the seed of deception has been planted into the minds of young children through improper education that dampens critical thinking.

Meanwhile, teaching permit requirements, printing acts, sedition acts, a draconian ISA and threats of prosecution by the law have gagged many voices of criticism against the BN government.

The curse of greed casted on its cronies is added to ensure much needed support to the dark regime.

Yet, the most astonishing deception spell has been cast on the 1Malaysia campaign.

It's promoted aggressively into our daily life from "Salam 1Malaysia" to "Cuti-cuti 1Malaysia" and "Kedai 1Malaysia". Everything is 1Malaysianised to show that BN is non-racist.

Indeed, the existence of 1Malaysia itself is racist. There is a rather abstract philosophical reasoning to counter this curse.

It is a matter of "nothing" and "being nothing (nothingness)". In this case, "nothing" is something called "nothing".

When you think: "I think nothing," you are actually thinking!

So, having a slogan to remind us to be "non-racist" or a practice to ensure there must be a combination of Malay, Indian and Chinese in everything, implies racist thinking.

Thus being non-racist is "being nothing", meaning we don't need to bother with this issue at all.

Furthermore, the silence of BN government on Perkasa and Utusan Malaysia is completely contradictory to what they are campaigning.

Nonetheless, the darkness has rooted too deep in Malaysia that neither Harry Potter and his Hogwarts gang nor Pakatan Rakyat and Bersih can dispel it overnight.

They came close in the previous general election but it was still not enough. Dark politics remains a hazard in Malaysia. But there is always hope that there will be a time when Malaysians can see the light.

斗争一 ：安华无可阻挡的力量对抗屹立不倒的国阵

在2008 年， 《蝙蝠侠之黑暗骑士》的登场引起了大家的注意。不仅如此，这部电影也缔造了一鸣惊人的佳绩，也改写了以往的票房纪录。

除了欣赏该部电影的武打动作和蝙蝠侠在影片里使用的高科技器具以外， 大马观众不妨认真地思考小丑与蝙蝠侠斗争中的隐喻，尤其是在电影接近尾声时的经典对白：“无可阻挡的力量与屹立不倒的物体交锋。”

电影里的斗争是否宛如我国在第十二届的全国大选里，民联实权领袖安华凭着那股无可阻挡的人民力量（Makkal Sakhti）抗逆着屹立不倒的国阵呢？

最终谁将会获胜呢？在1986年的菲律宾革命运动中，前总统费迪南马可斯（Ferdinand Marcos）屹立不倒的独裁政权被无可阻挡的人民力量推翻了。尽管如此，缅甸的革命却无法取得相同的成果，昂山舒吉和其他政治扣留者曾经被缅甸军政府囚禁。

在2008年时，安华不断地强调屹立不倒的国阵会在当年的八九月垮台。2008年的第十二届全国大选结果出炉后，安华似乎想要建立一个无可阻挡的人民力量。

安华用了汽油起价为当时大众辩论的课题。当时，这课题为他赢得了民众的喝彩。虽然如此，国阵还是成功组成了中央政府。这带给了国阵当家的无限利益，以巩固和保护他们在这国家屹立不倒的地位。

其实，这简直就是一个轻而易举的斗争游戏。国阵只需不断削减安华的强势，长时间有利国阵。只要这场游戏的时间拖得越久，国阵的胜算就越高。

安华和民联需要花的是速度和敏捷的力量来对抗国阵设计的这场游戏。因此，安华鸡奸案无疑直接或间接给了国阵更多的时间利益。不仅如此，巫统与回教党之间的合作谈判也打击民联。

安华是民联最大的力量，也是该党最大的弱点；这是因为民联把整个党的希望都寄托于这位领袖的肩上。也许，这将会鼓吹“攻击安华”的现象。

国阵不断地对安华做出人身攻击，特别是在第十二届全国大选的竞选活动和大众辩论前后，这种人身攻击就更显为易见。国阵认为只要安华被击败了，整个民联就会受影响。

国阵政府利用47个条律和法令以严禁我国人民言论自由的权利。除此之外，国阵政府这种做法也影响了我国大众传播媒体的真实报道。

在早期的殖民地时期，政府也加强了印刷和周刊法令（Printing Presses and Periodicals Act 1948）。特别是在教育领域里，政府实行了马来西亚大学法令(Universities and Universities Colleges Act) 和大专法令 (Statutory Bodies Act)以控制教育界人士。

这些法令使马来西亚人民更加害怕发表言论，所以阻止人民支持民联和安华。由于欠缺社会各阶层人士对民联的支持，所以民联无可阻挡的力量也逐渐减退。

同时，人民行动党和回教党仿佛面对的“新力量” 不足的困境，比如教育界人士呢？看来也不多。刚结束的2011年砂拉越大选结果显示，所谓的“年轻一代革命”未必能够影响来届大选的结果。

目前民联的“新力量”资源来自安华的讲座会，一些著名的部落格作者，以及民联的忠心支持者。

安华在2008年的峇东埔补选以更高票获胜，这证明他在大选中获得了来自不同人士对他大量的支持。可惜民联输了几场补选，加上未能阻止国阵在砂拉越三分之二议席，再次打击民联无可阻挡的人民力量。

如果继续保持原状，看来屹立不倒的国阵将稳固地留守布城，但是世事难料，未来的变数是个谜！

无论发生什么事，这场“无可阻挡的力量与屹立不倒的物体交锋”的斗争是事实。它不是一场电影，但是这场斗争将会长远地影响马来西亚的政治局面，经济和社会。

Economics and Politics of Fear

In Malaysia, it is common to hear parents warning their children of not to disturb fierce people for their own safety. The “fierce” includes the like of road bully, gangster or anyone look forceful. Thou cannot speak the truth or act rightfully against them if wish to live. This is a shameful mocking of ethic and justice.

In almost every corner of this country you can see fierce people particularly those operate car repair shop, hardware shop, eatery and roadside car wash station illegally occupying public parking spaces. In Ipoh town, almost every road has fierce car jokey to “help” you park and guard your car with a “fees” deem being paid “voluntarily”. Anyone dare not to pay up the fees?

Well, these people may not necessary look “fierce” yet scary enough to strike fear into us. Therefore, “fear” has been the tool for economic gain. Many are willing to pay a small sum of money to buy peace of mind, just like buying accidental insurance. This may not cause the payer much but it is big business for the collectors. Many may not wish to take so much trouble to complaint about an illegally occupied parking space. Some may even (mistakenly) acknowledge that car repair shop and hardware shop are entitled to those parking spaces that block their entrance.

What can we do to condemn those queue cutting drivers? Many are either too lazy or too fear to even give a disproving honk? Subsequently, we are fertilizing the growth of road bully that cause unnecessary traffic jam to mat rempit and criminal offences. Besides, one may see plenty of “Ah Long” (loan shark) advertisements illegally pasted all over. It is an eyesore yet the authority either did not take action or taking too little action to solve this matter. Hence, fear plus ignorance and greed (e.g. taking corruption, maximizing own profit or convenience) is sickening.

Manipulating fear is also an efficient strategy in politic. Parents and friends may have repeatedly warned us not to criticize the government or speak of so-called sensitive issues. Same as the current BN government and the police warn Malaysian citizen. Yet, their definition of “sensitive” is double standard and themselves are the master of manipulating political fear to maintain their political colonization. Therefore, in Malaysia, you may have the freedom of speech but not the freedom after speech.

What is actually means by “fear”? How political evil can manipulate it to their advantage?

In his Treatise on Rhetoric (translated by Buckley, 1995: 121 – 127), Aristotle described fear as a sort of pain or agitation, arising out of an idea that is evil, capable either of destroying or giving pain. However, people only fear those whose effect is either a considerable degree of pain or destruction and these (pain or destruction) are not far removed, but give one the idea of being close at hand, so as to be on the eve of happening. Generally human are emotional beings, thus are subjected to fear. No matter how the rational mind tells us that there is nothing to fear about, the feeling of fear still exists naturally especially if the event of fear seems close by.

The late chief monk of Malaysia, Dhammananda (2003: 9, 10 & 11) explained that fear is an intense emotional reaction characterized by attempts to flee from the situation, imprison and ensnare the mind and flourishes in the fog of ignorance. Therefore, presenting issues of fear to voters and presenting self as the sole savior at the same time might just easily make the voter flee from the fear elements without rightful rationalization and then, leave them no choice but to pledge their vote to the only “savior” party available. Otherwise, there will be unfavorable or negative consequences.

In political rhetoric, ad baculum fallacy that appeals to fear is widely practiced, including in Malaysia. In a democratic country, any voters are supposed to have the right to make their own choice. Alas, ad baculum type of appeal is violating a democratic system because the listeners are not making their own choice or decision freely but like being pointed a gun to their heads to make a choice or decision to the aggressor’s will. For example, President George Bush administration blatantly using the fear of terrorist as a political weapon against the relatively liberal Senator John Kerry in the United States Presidential Election in 2004 (Luis 2004). The Nazis used to send the following notice to German readers who let their subscriptions lapse: "Our paper certainly deserves the support of every German. We shall continue to forward copies of it to you, and hope that you will not want to expose yourself to unfortunate consequences in the case of cancellation" (Grunberger 1971).

In Malaysian 11^th General Election in March 2004, Barisan Nasional (BN) has used fear tactics to scare Chinese voters against voting for the opposition front. Through mass media which they strongly control, BN successfully trigger fear in Chinese voters by contrasting their comfort zone against the “peril” of voting for the opposition front that have Islamic party of PAS as member. Four themes were politically played up, namely (i) “peace” versus “chaos”, (ii) “freedom” versus “restrictions”, (iii) “development” versus “backwardness” and (iv) “moderate BN” versus “radical PAS–DAP-PK” (see Lim & Har 2008).

Those themes sound familiar? Perhaps, current happening in Malaysia communal politics mirror the strategy of fear. Perkasa and Malay newspaper, Utusan Malaysia have been non-stop fanning up racial tension, perhaps with the hidden evil intention of creating fear in Malaysian public. Firstly, it seems that they wish to plant to Malay ethnic the seeds of fear of losing superiority (ketuanan). Secondly, they seem wish to fear off the non-Malay especially the Chinese of possible Malay’s revolt if they vote Pakatan in coming election. The biggest question mark is how come the BN government that promotes unity under “1 Malaysia” concept did not take stern action against Perkasa and Utusan? Furthermore, UMNO is the majority shareholder of Utusan group too! Some more, Malaysiakini reported that the government has directed Utusan Malaysia to attack the Pakatan Rakyat’s Buku Jingga that highlights Pakatan’s plan if given mandate to form government.

Fear is planted into academic world by government suppression through various restrictions imposed on members of academia like laws such as the Universities and Universities Colleges Act (UUCA) and the Statutory Bodies Act, plus the need to have teaching permits for lecturers. However, the greatest weapons of fear used by the Malaysian government are the draconian Internal Security Act 1960 (ISA) that warrant detention without trial and Sedition Act that can be misused subjectively.

Sadly, Malaysians are now occasionally being reminded of the May 1969 riots, another favorite input for fear strategy. That black incident in our shared history is linked to three issues, namely Ketuanan Melayu, the New Economic Policy (NEP) and the Islamic state. These issues in themselves shouldn’t pose any problems if they are not politicized and manipulated by unscrupulous politicians. An example of unscrupulous politician is Ibrahim Ali, President of Perkasa who declared that Malay is willing to wage crusade against the Christian in Malaysia. Doesn’t he understand that our muhibbah spirit helps to nurture a harmonic, multicultural Malaysian society that is the envy of many nations around the world? Indeed, it is a surprise that Hishammuddin Hussein, the Home Minister (who himself was the center of the keris issue some time ago) quickly make it clear that Ibrahim Ali did not represent the view of all Malay.

I have wrote previously that the beauty of Malaysians today is we can all sit down and discuss our issues like the adults we are. There is absolutely no place for the politics of fear in our society. The government should give the people more credit than to scare them with outdated, archaic mechanisms, whose ultimate goal is not to keep peace but to stifle freedom of speech. Instead of resorting to fear, the government might do better by listening to the rakyat and giving them a fair chance to express themselves without fear.

Reference:

Aristotle (Translated by Theodore Buckley). 1995. Treatise on rhetoric. New York: Prometheus Books.

Dhammananda, K. Sri. 2003. Why worry! Live without fear & worry (expended edition). Kuala Lumpur: BMSM Publication.

Grunberger, Richard. 1971. A Social History of the Third Reich. London: Weidenfeld, Nicolson.

Lim Kim Hui & Har Wai Mun. 2008. Ad baculum, Islamic state and Malaysian Chinese politics: A rhetorical study of selected Political advertisements in the local Chinese media during the 11^th Malaysian general election campaign. Journal of Politics and Law. Vol. 1(1): 25 – 39.

Luis. 2004. Using fear as political tool. Source: www.blogd.com/archieves/000778.html Accessed date: 6 November 2004.

Sarawak 10th State Election: 1-Malady Implication

The recent Sarawak state election and 1-Malaysia concept share one common thing. In both case, rhetoric suppress the reality truth. With “I help you, you help me” trademark of helping hands from top guns in the Barisan Nasional (BN), Taib Mahmud has led his coalitions to retain their two-third majority despite much hype of Sarawak wind of change from Anwar’s Pakatan Rakyat. After all, not all earthquakes will result in tsunami.

Taib’s PBB won all 35 contested seats while BN as a whole won 55 seats. PKR won 3 out of 49 seats contested, a mere 7.7% but that percentage does not reflect a failure due to two reasons. First, it is an improvement from previous election results. Secondly, PKR may be “force” to fill in candidates in many impossible-to-win areas just to deny uncontested victory for BN, which may serve as a demoralizing start for Pakatan coalition. DAP seem the biggest winner, doubling their seat to 12 after contesting in 15 areas while PAS may have to do soul searching after losing all their 5 contested seats. Perhaps, West Malaysia is not its cup of tea or PAS is not the cup of tea for the Sarawakian. Yet, the biggest looser is tagged to SUPP, a component party of BN who lost almost all of their urban Chinese majority seats to DAP.

Deeper beyond those figures reveal an interesting implication – the malady of 1-Malaysia concept. Despite Malaysian not really knowing its actual meaning, 1-Malaysia loosely called for national unity without racial distinction. Malaysians of different ethnic groups are urged to consider themselves as “Malaysian”. If that so, the DAP will be puzzled over its differences with their own “Malaysian Malaysia” concept of forging Malaysian race with universal moral value. Nonetheless, Sarawak state election results implied that all-in-one unity version of BN is a merely a political gimmick.

Firstly, BN top political leaders from both Peninsular and Sarawak urged the Sarawakian to reject “foreigner” parties of the East, namely the trio of PKR, DAP and PAS. This call clearly and ridiculously endorsed a two-Malaysia by the creator of 1-Malaysia itself. Declaring additional holiday for Malaysia Day (where Sabah & Sarawak are drafted into Malaya) in addition to Independent Day (where Malaya/Peninsular Malaysia gained independent) is another endorsement of differences between Peninsular and Sabah-Sarawak.

Secondly, BN politicians and its pro-establishment media (particularly hardcore Utusan Malaysia) and Pertubuhan Peribumi Perkasa Malaysia (Perkasa) keep on blaming-cum-threatening the Chinese before, during and after the election for supporting the Pakatan Rakyat in general, and the DAP in specific. The election ended with BN retaining all the 27 Malay-Melanau seats while one of its component parties, the Chinese dominated SUPP won only six of 19 contested seats. Among the six seat won, four are secured through Dayak candidates in Dayak-majority areas of Opar, Bengoh, Simanggang and Engkilili (see The Star, 17^th April 2011: N4 – N6). Despite the reality does indicates that Chinese voters generally favored Pakatan, racist actions by these media and politicians would not unite the different ethnic groups nor win them any future support but in contrast, fertilized the racial tension. This is not healthy. Making it worst is that the government did not reprimand them. Worst still, Perkasa openly blame the Chinese “repaid milk with poison”. Deputy Chief Director of Utusan Malaysia, Zaini Hassan challenged UMNO to establish “1Melayu, 1Bumi” immediately. Therefore, while hitting hard on Anwar’s ceramah, silence to racist media is not only a clear example of selected prosecution but also a mockery to Malaysian and 1-Malaysia concept too. Furthermore, having “race” and “religion” identification in various official matters from MyCard detail to procurement tender merely reaffirmed the government hypocrisy. Of course not to be missed is former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad’s shot at DAP as “racist” party without reflecting the fact that three main component parties of BN are race-based.

Indeed, the first genuine effort towards 1-Malaysia unity was the unsuccessfully attempted by Onn Jaafar, the founder and first President of UMNO. In his speech in the UMNO’s half-year General Meeting on March 1951, Onn Jaafar proposed to open membership of UMNO to the non-Malay and renaming UMNO to “United Malaya National Organization” [see Mohamed Abid. (2003). Reflections of pre-independence Malaya. Subang Jaya: Pelanduk Publications]. He reminded the Malays about some plans like establishment of Labour Party or Progressive Party that did not limited their membership to one ethnic but open their doors to anyone that are willing to abide by the party’s rules. Hence, he urged UMNO members to “open its door before its door is being closed by other peoples” (Mohamed Abid 2003: 180 – 181). However, his proposal went unheeded resulting Onn Jaafar left the party on August 1951 to form the multiracial party, Independence of Malaya Party (IMP). IMP failed subsequently, implying that communal politic triumph over multiracial.

Thirdly, the Sarawak state election did reveal to some extent of rural-urban electoral divide. Sarawak urban voters regardless of race seem supported the Pakatan coalition. This trend was even acknowledged by Lim Guan Eng. An example is DAP and PKR collectively won all five seats in Kuching area but DAP lost at Bawang Assam, a rural Chinese majority seat. Implication from such divide actually put our democratic system integrity in the balance. Deeper understanding of this divide is that BN-led government is endorsed by less informed, less developed rural voters. This group of voters can be easily brainwashed with waves of propaganda brought by BN-controlled mainstream media. Poor areas dwellers may be dependent on government grant and fund (or electoral goodies). Couple with some element of greed (particularly those ketua kampung or penghulu), choosing elected representative is no longer efficient, fair and utilitarian matter. In contrast, democratic practice in Malaysia has been a deceptive and self-greed centric. Hence, no wonder money politics prospers in this country, most notably during election. During any types of election in Malaysia, try to spot for 1-Malaysia NGO goodies van in election areas or “You-help-me-I–help-you” pledge in BN political ceramah. Do not surprise to find sexy girls stage show and lucky draws in BN’s makan malam (political dinner) too.

Nonetheless, while blame is heavily put on the Chinese ethnic and urban dwellers for BN defeat, a renowned associate professor of political science at Singapore Management University, Dr. Bridget Welsh begs to differ. She dismissed both the dichotomy of ethnic and rural-urban divide to highlight that the Chinese swing toward the opposition is comparatively less than the changes within other communities. Examples given included swing of Orang Ulu communities towards PKR in Ba’kelalan while increase in Iban support for BN in Engkilili. Pakatan triumph in rural and semi-rural seats of Ba’kelalan, Krian, Batu Kawah, Dudong and Paisau are examples to dismiss rural-urban divide hypothesis.

Forth, Dr. Bridget Welsh believed that “youth revolution” is the important dynamic in this Sarawak state election. Her estimates showed support from older generation to Pakatan is 42% as compared to younger generation at 73%. Comparing with 2006 election, increase turnout by the younger generation resulted in Pakatan gaining 5.6% and 26% respectively from old and young generation. Overall, popular votes to BN dropped eight percentage points from 63% in 2006 election to 55%. This state election came before Gawai (the Dayak’s harvest festival celebrated by Iban & Bidayuh on 1^st June). Therefore, Dr. Bridget Welsh further believed that if the election is held at later date, impact from younger voters who work outstation coming back to Sarawak will be worrying BN. Interesting question for thought is that will this youth revolution sustainable? If yes, will BN reign in Malaysian politic comes to an end sooner or later?

Fifth, dichotomy between Islam and non-Islam (particularly targeted to Christian voters) also unhealthily used as political ingredients for both BN and Pakatan. Issue of Hindu temple demolition had sparked the Makkal Sakhti (People Power) revolution during the 2008 general election. This time around, Pakatan has been hoping that banning the use of the word “Allah” in Christianity as well as the Al-Kitab issue will do another impact against the BN. At other end, BN successfully did a prompt self-rescue by softening the government stand on Al-Kitab issue. In addition, portraying BN as protector of both Malay and Islam in contrast to “hardcore” PAS remain its evergreen propaganda to scare off both Islam and non-Islam voters to support PAS. Political issue followers may still remember an interesting comment of Dr. Bridget Welsh on the previous 2008 general election. She did not anticipate the political tsunami to happen during the 2008 election until she noticed a rather new phenomenon occurred then – the flags of PAS, PKR and DAP being tied together and cheerfully carried around by groups of Pakatan supporters consisting Malay, Indian and Chinese. This phenomenon of cheerful co-existence between PAS and DAP is deem “impossible” prior to that but are now a common sight. Hence, is hopeful that this is a clear sign of a new Malaysia political landscape from communal politic to genuine multiracial harmony.

In conclusion, both sides may be claiming victory but who is right and not is a matter of perception. Yet, the mentioned five happening in the 10^th Sarawak state election may be the sign of another political tsunami in the making. It is in the interest of the BN to defuse it to remain “unmovable”. Pakatan may wish to capitalize on it to re-spark their “unstoppable” force to march towards Putrajaya. Thus, please brace yourself for the Battle II of “unstoppable Pakatan against immovable BN”. Readers who interested to read the Battle I can do so at either Malaysiakini website (subscription requirement maybe needed) at http://www.malaysiakini.com/letters/87496 or longer version in this blog at http://varietymalaysia.blogspot.com/2008/07/malaysian-politic-of-unstoppable-forces.html.

Results of Sarawak 10^th State Election, April 2011

Barisan Nasional:

PBB (35 contested, won 35 seats)

SUPP (19 contested, won 6 seats)

PRS (9 contested, won 8)

SPDP (8 contested, won 6)

Pakatan Rakyat:

DAP (15 contested, won 12)

PKR (49 contested, won 3)

PAS (5 contested, won 0)

Others:

PCM (6 contested, won 0)

SNAP (26 contested, won 0)

Independent (41 contested, won 1)

无知的 “1 Malaysia”

早在亚利斯多德（Aristotle）公元四世纪以前， “口号”和“动力”扮演着最重要的角色；最佳的例子是亚力山大， 但是马来西亚的政治人物似乎也不缺这本事。由于言论自由和思想上的局限，所以马来西亚人民几乎已经被“洗脑”了！

在马哈迪和安华的时代，“我们是一家人”为当时最出名的口号。不仅如此，就连马来领导人也用华语喊这口号，可想而知，这口号迷惑了不少那个时代的华人。除此之外，马哈迪时代的“马来西亚，能！”是最为出名的口号。

我还记得当时参与了 “马来西亚，能！”的拉拉队，这口号成功激励了当年在马来西亚举办的共和联邦运动会的我国曲棍队的表现。但是，最让我感到意外的是当年澳洲曲棍队的口号，他们既然也模仿了我国队的口号，把“马来西亚能”改为“澳洲能”为决赛的口号，实在令人感到太意外了。

我们都不会忘记当时阿都拉执政时的口号，那就是“不是为我工作，而是和我一起工作”。但是经过2008年的三零八大选后，不少巫统党员再也没办法和他一起工作了。

然而，现任首相纳吉的口号是 “一个马来西亚”。国政不仅积极的向人民大力宣传这口号， 还导致马来西亚人民也被这无理的口号所影响。举个例子，他们都喜欢把“salam 1 Malaysia” 挂在嘴边，特别是在新商业活动，新住宅区等活动推介礼上。

我很好奇这口号要怎样被马来西亚国家语文局接纳为一个正确的语法或它只不过是影响了语言而已？

到底这“1”有多重要呢？据知，印尼早前就有了“1个国家，1个民族，1个语言”。反观我国，“马来西亚人民”和“1个马来西亚人民”又有什么分别呢？如果我们是“1个马来西亚人民”，那为何我们还称自己为马来人，印度人，华人和依班人，而不是马来西亚人民？虽然在马来西亚或中国华人族群里有福建人，广东人和海南人，但他们仍然也没称自己为“1个华人”啊！

为什么政府仍然呼吁《先锋报》禁用“真主”字眼呢？为什么要选择性地执行内安法令，贪污调查甚至和平的权利？许多批评已经指向“一个马来西亚”口号，所以不必在此重复。

自从政府推出了这口号以及给与人们空头承诺，人民选择了倾向于国阵。因此，是时候该唤醒人民对政治的无知和想法了。就让我分享一个故事吧，希望借此故事以唤醒人民对口号的着迷。

从前，有一个顽皮的小孩常常做坏事。每当他做了一件坏事后，他都会向他父亲道歉以取得的原谅。父亲原谅他后，他不但不改过自新，反而还是会重蹈覆辙的做坏事。父亲告诉男孩，每当他做错一件事就把钉子钉在墙上，如做了一件好事就把一根钉子拔掉。过了几年后，男孩成功地把墙上所有的钉子拔掉。父亲对男孩说，“很高兴看见你改变了！虽然全部钉子已拔掉，但墙上却永远留下了许多小洞孔！”。

从以上的故事中，国阵就像是故事中的男孩，就算通过各种手段，口号，政策等把墙上的钉子拔掉，但却已在人们心中留下了不好的印象，如通过内安法令排除政敌。

无论如何，小洞孔仍然是存在，再多的努力，也无法遮掩已损伤的外表（如国阵对人民的手法）。让大家以马来西亚教育水准和新加玻教育水准做个比较，对于这事情，大家自行判断吧！除此之外，政府又如何看待贿赂和“任人唯亲”的事情呢？

因此，是时候唤醒马来西亚人民了，从另个角度看待“1” 和“马来西亚”，也许会发现 “1个无知的马来西亚 ”是多么的讽刺啊！

Penang Series Part III: The Benevolent Leader

Debating military affair in the presence of King Xiaocheng of Zhao (reigned 265-245 B.C), the lord of Linwu claimed the essential point in the art of military are utilizing the most seasonable times of heaven and most profitable aspects of the earth, observe the movement of enemy, set out after he does, but get there before him.

Xunzi, a Confucian philosopher during the period of the “hundred philosophers” in China beg to differ. He believed that the basis of all warfare and undertaking lies in the unification of the people under the benevolent leader. To him, if the bow and arrow are not properly adjusted, even the most famous archer could not hit the mark. If the six horses of the team are not properly trained, even the most famous carriage driver could not go far. If the officers and people are not devoted to their leaders, even the sages could not win victory. In contrast, a tyrant may practice deception but only success against another tyrant if their plot is relatively better but will fail against a benevolent leader.

In Penang, one may find such benevolent leader in its current Chief Minister, Lim Guan Eng. After his Pakatan Rakyat team won the mandate to form state government in March 2008 General Election, Penang state prospers greatly. His benevolent leadership has been noticed until even Hong Kong TVB made a documentary on him. The documentary can be viewed through the following links.

TVB (HK) on Lim Guan Eng (Part 1 of 3)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mRQjmS-SDlE&feature=player_embedded

TVB (HK) on Lim Guan Eng (Part 2 of 3)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yFqwQFua1rw&feature=related

TVB (HK) on Lim Guan Eng (Part 3 of 3)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kuGpg0rD_Us&feature=related