Ever
since Malaysia embark on its industrialization vision, attention has been
devoted to attract huge amount of FDI to Malaysia and hoping that the FDI
inflow could bring positive effect to GDP growth. It is through FDI that helped
Malaysia transform more rapidly from an agricultural to industrious country.
FDI has generally increased throughout the years in Malaysia, with some minor
hiccups along the way, such as during the Asian Financial Crisis years
(1997-98) and the “dotcom” burst (2000). In year 2004, FDI also faced
significant decline due to competitions form lower cost manufacturing
countries. Delay in application processing, slow decision making by local
authorities and absentness of a one-stop centre for businessman sums up to the
time-consuming bureaucracy in Malaysia. In year 2005, Malaysia’s FDI has shrunk
to a miserable state to US$3.97 billion (RM14.69 billion) from US$4.62 billion
(RM17.09 billion) in 2004. Malaysia used to rank fourth in the world for FDI in
1990, but was ranked 62 in year 2005. Malaysia’s sinking FDI may be attributed
to erosion of competitiveness over the last eight to ten years due to raft of
factors, including shortage of human capital, upward pressure on wages and
increased competition from China and India.
There
are many FDI determinants which include monetary based incentive policy but
often ignore international relations. Two common assumptions are that “higher
monetary incentives given, easier to attract FDI” and “higher FDI inflow could
lead to higher economic growth”. However, the former is too shallow as
“incentive” not necessary monetary-based like tax exemption or availability of
cheap labour but could be relationship-based that seek long term mutual benefit
rather than instant one-sided gain.
Economic
Transformation Plan (ETP), the five economic corridors (Iskandar, NCER, ECER,
SDC and SCORE) as well as Greater Kuala Lumpur Plan need a lot of FDI inflow.
Thus, the disappointing pattern of FDI in Malaysia has drawn attentions of the
government, researchers and policy makers to look into this problem and
determines the key factors that can stimulate the FDI in Malaysia. Regrettably,
existing research regarding the effect of international relations on FDI are
still inadequate and not thoroughly, especially on conceptual studies from
various possible perspectives.
Hence,
Malaysia may wish to explore an “Ummah network” for Malaysia-West Asia
partnership. Establishment of a relationship-based social capital networking between
Malaysia and West Asia may be beneficial to all parties.
Exploring
Bourdieu’s Social Capital Philosophy
When
we mention the word “capital”, economist will tell us it is “machine and
investment”. Human resource people will add “human” into the list. French
philosopher, Pierre Bourdieu had a broader view, conceptualizing “capital” in
four forms – “economic capital”, “cultural capital”, “social capital” and
“symbolic capital”.
His
social capital concept mainly refers to connections within and between social
networks as well as connections among individuals, which coincidently similar
to the conceptual of “relationship networking” or “guanxi” of the Oriental. The
important role of guanxi in Chinese business and its related network known as
“Bamboo network” has been widely mentioned due to increasing economic
importance of China.
However,
Western may see guanxi or relationship-based business deal as “cronyism” or has
high tendency towards corruption. Yes, this may be true but a pure and sincere
guanxi-based economy is based solely on trust upon each other, not unethical
and corrupted practice. From economic reasoning, “trust” or “acquaintance” is
associated with “low business risk” because the dealing parties have adequate
information about each other. Low risk is a non-monetary incentive for business
deal or foreign investment decision. Therefore, Malaysia’s international
relations with Islamic countries of West Asia, an ummah networking could bring potentially huge win-win benefit as of
the guanxi networking in the Chinese
community.
Malaysia’s
International Relations and FDI
In
colonial era, foreign direct investment (FDI) to Malaysia mostly originated
from United Kingdom (U.K). British colonial encouraged FDI in primary sector,
predominantly in plantation and mining sector. British investments help developed (but also depleted) Malaysian tin
mining sector and rubber planting. During early post-independent period,
relationship with British through Commonwealth continued help attracting
investment from United Kingdom. Nevertheless, the beginning of Mahathir’s era
caused a change in Malaysia’s international relations policy from British
friendly relationship to “buy British last”. The then Prime Minister launched
“Look East Policy” in 1982, aiming to foster better international relations
with Japan, Taiwan and South Korea. This policy was successful in term of
increasing the amount of foreign investment from Japan and Taiwan, but not much
from South Korea. As for Germany, the establishment of German-Malaysia
Institute in 1992 might have started to foster stronger relationship between
the two countries. However, the two countries relationship greatly improved in
the early 2000s that also witnessed the first ever visit of the Chancellor of
Germany, Gerhard Schroder to Malaysia from 11th to 13th
March 2002 and the Malaysian-German Business Forum held in Munich on 18th
March 2002. Accordingly, German’s FDI to Malaysia increased tremendously in
2001 and 2002 but fluctuate greatly in subsequent years. German companies have
further expanded their activities in Malaysia, investing EUR 806.8 million in
29 projects in 2007.
Malaysia-West Asia International
Relations
Besides
building new relationships with Western and Asia Pacific countries, Malaysia
also had long history of relationships with West Asian countries. In April
1965, in order to further raise the profile of Malaysia, the King had paid
state visits to several West Asian countries, which include United Arab
Republic (UAR) and Saudi Arabia. The bond between Malaysia and Saudi Arabia
were then further improved when both countries became members of the
Organisation of The Islamic Conference (OIC) in 1969. During the period
2003-2007, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Malaysia are three of the largest Muslim
majority economies, which have shown significantly larger growth in trade with
OIC member countries than with the rest of the world.
During
June 2003, the visit of Turkish Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan to
Malaysia further enhances the existing relationship between both countries. Not
only was the bilateral relations between both countries improved and became
more active, Turkey also aimed to boost up the bilateral trade between both
countries to U.S. $1 billion a year. In 2007, Turkey was ranked 6th
in the top OIC trading partners of Malaysia.
Tapping the Ummah Network
“Ummah”
is an Arabic word meaning “community”, “collective nation of states”,
“community of the Believers” or “brotherhood of Islam”. The phrase Ummah
Wahida in the Qur'an (the "One Community") refers to the entire
Islamic world unified (definition through Wikipedia).
The
success of Bamboo Network could be modified into beneficial Ummah network or
informal partnership among countries in the Malays world, especially Muslim
communities of Malaysia, Indonesia, Brunei and East Timor with its brotherhoods
of Western Asia that comprises the Arab states in the Middle East, Turkey, and
some Islamic Northern African countries like Egypt, Sudan, Algeria and Morocco.
Nevertheless, due to economic disparity, potential FDI most possibly may come
from richer countries like UAE and Saudi Arabia while countries that relatively
less developed than Malaysia could be friendly investment destination to our
investors.
There
are certain mutual benefits in relying FDI from Ummah network rather than
purely using monetary-based incentives as attraction. Firstly, social network
is truly borderless in which they neither constraint by nation state boundaries
nor binding agreement. It is also a misconception that informal network is
constraint by certain ideology or ethnicity. For example, despite having a
“Chinese businessman club” identity, Bamboo network is Chinese-centric yet not
limited to Chinese diasporas only but also business associates of other races.
Western investors include giant Microsoft to smaller trading business divert
great effort to join the network and build strong guanxi with the Chinese,
especially in China and Taiwan. Indeed, this “Chinese businessman club” does
not intrinsically exist, thus so does the limitation of its membership.
Nevertheless, since it is rooted in Chinese business communities since hundreds
or even thousands years ago, it is not surprising that if any non-Chinese
wishes to join the club, certain advantages have to be given to its “original”
Chinese members as the “host” of this network.
Here,
we see a big different to the capitalism system where the giant foreign
investors usually emerge as winner over the host countries. This phenomenon has
never been solved through WTO, which itself is commonly being blame for its
biasness towards big capitalist nations such as the United States. In reality,
Malaysia and Western Asian countries, be it individually or collectively, did
not have the economic power to negotiate terms and conditions with global giant
investors.
Conclusion
International relation is believed to a hidden
resource, which could have great impact to economic but unfortunately, often
overlooked. International relation has usually been treated as
an endogenous variable in various economic modelling, in which its effect would
not explicitly being captured by the model nor utilized in real world. Thus,
this conceptual study on international relation between Malaysia and West Asia
with possibility of establishing a virtual but powerful Ummah network could
bring mutual benefit to all participating countries. In addition, Malaysia is a
multi-racial society comprises of many ethnic groups, mainly Malay
(predominantly, Malay are also Muslim), Chinese and Indian. Malaysia’s
historical background as former colonial of British and its contemporary
international association with Commonwealth, regional blocks like ASEAN and
various other international bodies provide ample “hidden resources” in the form
of international relation. Hence, this adds to the significant of this study
where Malaysia could establish not only Ummah network, but various social
capital-based partnerships for sustainable economic prosperity.
[Chinese version published at Nanyang Press, 26th May 2014. Available online at http://www.nanyang.com/node/6023743. This English version may be slightly different from the Chinese online/printed newspaper version]
No comments:
Post a Comment